I voted in the last West Bengal assembly elections. By all so-called “logic,” my name should’ve been deleted from the electoral rolls. In Odia, the syllable “sh” is not there; however, some people write their surname as Dash (to distinguish themselves as Brahmins) while the others write it as Das. The Odia letters for the two are different although they’re both pronounced the same, as Das. My Mom’s name in the last Odisha SIR of 2002 was recorded as Das and not Dash. Because the list was in Odia, the authorities couldn’t catch on and I was relieved to see my name in the first list.
That relief was temporary. Suddenly there was this strange, exotic, bizarre animal called “logical discrepancy.” Till date, the details of the algorithm for it are not fully known but apparently, if the age difference with the parents was below 15 years or above 55 years, the system chewed your name and spat it out as ineligible. We all know how diligent the recording of births and deaths were in the pre-independence times. The date of birth of my Mom is an arbitrary number. I think, as per those records, I managed to exceed that 15-day limit by just a very few days so I must’ve squeaked through. During the suspense, I was wondering what to do if I was put on the “illogical” list. 11 out of those 12 documents indicated by the Election Commission of India (ECI) for enumeration were either not proofs of citizenship or not available in West Bengal or with me. The remaining one, my passport, which alone could have been the definitive proof of my belonging to India and not Bangladesh or Timbuktu, had expired and I’d not bothered to renew it.
Now, if I had not been allowed to vote despite being willing to do so and a candidate in my constituency had won or lost by exactly one vote, would that be a legitimate result? A humungous 27 lakhs in the State were deprived of being adjudicated upon as to whether they were eligible to vote. These were not dead or missing people. These were living, breathing human beings who had been mapped with their parents or themselves or had voted earlier. Their only fault: the adjudication process manged to cover only 1,621 cases out of 27 lakhs and they were not amongst those lucky 1,621. Out of 1,621 cases heard by the tribunals, 1,607 turned out to be genuine voters (99 %) so most of those under adjudication may have been genuine voters.
In my constituency, the winning candidate won by 316 votes. In the same constituency, till the day of polling, 24,132 voters couldn’t vote because their adjudication was still pending. There are 294 constituencies in West Bengal; average number of voters under adjudication per constituency: 9,184. Further, after the electoral rolls were published, seven lakh voters have been added. No one knows who these are – ECI has been extremely cagey about revealing their details. If these are of doubtful authenticity, an average of 2,381 votes are possible inflations per constituency. Thus, any constituency’s results do not reflect the actual position in respect of 9,184 + 2,381 = 11,565. In 89 seats, the victory margins have been less than 10,000. The results in all these seats are untenable.
Having served in under CPM and TMC in West Bengal and under Congress and BJP at the Centre and also having supervised elections in other countries under the aegis of the United Nations, I’ve no preference for party X or party Y and have been an equal-opportunity offender towards all of them. Personally, I prefer frequent changes of government so that there is less arrogance and more fear of accountability. But not changes attendant upon such dubious exercises.
Not on a false premise that the voter has to prove his legitimacy. No Sir, it is the ECI which has to assume an existing voter is a voter unless proven otherwise. The burden of proof is on ECI. So, either the elections should’ve been conducted only after the adjudication process had been completed or all the cases under adjudication should’ve been allowed to vote – their ballots could’ve been kept segregated pending adjudication and in any constituency where these exceeded the margins, the results should’ve been declared only after the cases had been adjudicated upon and the eligible voters from amongst them repolled. It was not the voter’s or claimant’s problem that the process was so tardy or the algorithm was so callous and nonsensical.






