Why I quit my IIM WhatsApp group

 

Till long after WhatsApp became a raging phenomenon, I was living under a rock with only a feature phone. One day I landed up for my M. Phil. class at IIPA only to find that I was the lone one there. The course director apologised for not informing me but mentioned that she’d sent a WhatsApp message in the group so she thought everyone was informed about the cancellation of the classes that day. I realised that (A) There was a phenomenon called WhatsApp and (B) It was an existential crisis not to buy into it. 

When I bought a Smartphone and got on to WhatsApp, it was an exciting world revealed. So many jokes, real time tete-a-tete, continuous engagement with family and friends and so on. The group I liked most interacting with was my IIM group. 

Although IIM, Bangalore was already 10 years old then, ours was the first batch in the breathtakingly beautiful new campus. Even as it’s now almost in the middle of the city, back in 1982, it was in the middle of nowhere with miles of jungles and nothingness all around. Excursions to the city were an adventure. Perforce, the 100 or so of us were cooped up with each other under very stressful academic rigour and developed very strong bonds. 

So, out of all the groups I soon became part of, the IIMB batch group was the one I held dear. It was a nice and warm feeling to open the WhatsApp every morning and look at the quality of jokes and discussion coursing through that group. At first slowly, then rapidly, the group became toxic. 

My rude awakening came when I saw a message stating what a great man OSL (Our Supreme Leader) was, a reincarnation, in fact. I was surprised – we IIMB types were as irreverent as they came – so responded, subah subah kya bunkus maar raha hai! I thought it was all in good fun. I wasn’t prepared for the vituperative and extremely personal backlash. I was immediately branded a Rahul Gandhi acolyte. I wondered, was it not possible not to revere OSL and not to revere Rahul Baba at the same time? 

Slowly, I found a group within that IIM group intermittently posting things which were blatantly false or misleading on the face of it. I was intrigued that such intelligent people were taken in by such things. There was backlash for such posts and things started getting very ugly and uncouth. One of the posts was so filthy that I quit in disgust even though I was not involved in any of the exchanges. 

When I was out of the group, I did miss the better parts of it. Somehow, all the other groups didn’t match up to the wit and joie de vivre of the IIM group. Quite a few months later, I rejoined. Things continued well for quite a while. Again, the toxicity resurfaced. 

What usually happens is, some guy posts something in obeisance to OSL or against him. Then there is a backlash. Pretty rapidly, things degenerate into an ugly slanging match. Then all parties say sorry, sorry, won’t happen again. Peace prevails for a while. Again, after a few weeks, the cycle resumes. 

While both sides are guilty, I found that peace was usually broken by the pro-OSL group. Two reasons, probably. They’re all the time trying to find an excuse for bursting into paeans to OSL. Thus, when Neeraj Chopra won an Olympic gold, they immediately went on an overdrive to project as though OSL himself did the throwing; Neeraj just happened to be there for the photo-ops. When it was pointed out that OSL had slashed the sports budget in the Olympic year not only in real terms but also in nominal terms, the reaction was unparliamentary. Second possible reason is, these guys have bought into the extremely toxic IT cell. They are bombarded with its prodigious output, part-fact-part-fiction, day in and day out. Samples of the output: Fact would be a saying by Chanakya, fiction would be OSL’s photo at the end of the quote. Fact would be a Shivaji statue inaugurated by OSL, fiction would be magnetic and magical properties of the statue. Fact would be Sardar Patel statue, fiction would be cameras inside its eyes checking out Pakistani troop movement. Fact would be a horrible-colour 2000 rupee note, fiction would be a microchip inside it to uncover black money even if buried 10 feet underground. 

Starting with a predilection to believe, at some point all these stories do get seriously believed. The inundation by the IT cell is so much that these guys just can’t contain themselves and have to vomit it out in the WhatsApp groups for the benefit of the ignoramuses who, unlike them and OSL himself, do not believe that he is a reincarnation of the Omniscient, Omnipresent and Omnipotent. This dwindling minority is still clinging on to going by evidence rather than mere claims, at the cost of being branded “sickular,” “woke,” and so on. 

I spent 33 long years in the government. I saw hundreds of these men of straw straddling the nation’s destiny. They cut across parties, creeds, instincts but had one thing in common – up close, they were all hollow caricatures. I found the IIM batchmates, ensconced in their ivory towers surrounded by an obscene amount of money and the good life, completely out of touch with the ethical bankruptcy of the political class, pontificating at length. So I asked myself should I put up with these inane rantings of a mesmerised lot or quit. The other possibility was to either fall silent or try to reason. The first would be cowardice and, in essence, collusion with the bullies; the second, infructuous. 

Almost every morning, I used to wake up to a WhatsApp post of an IT cell production of increasingly vicious toxicity. The tipping point came when a batchmate posted a video of a female purportedly the mother of Kulwinder Kaur, CISF lady constable who was alleged to have slapped Kangana Ranaut at Chandigarh airport. What had happened was, they’d picked up a video of a woman wishing death to OSL and portrayed her as the mother of the lady constable. This had been around on the net for a while and had been thoroughly debunked as vicious blending of fact and fiction. When this was pointed out (while not absolving the serious misconduct of the lady constable), the “non-sickular” and “non-woke” brigade went on an overdrive and, in their effort to defend the indefensible, started getting increasingly personal. 

That was when I decided that being silent and being a part of this group was just not an option any more. That would be guilt by association. A statement needed to be made, and I quit. I believe, at least one other person quit the group in disgust after this incident. 

The problem is, all WhatsApp groups have been reduced to this. Quitting them all is looking like a good idea. 

Soon, I’ll no longer be a Homo WhatsAppian and return to being a Homo Sapien. I’m looking forward to it. Someone put out the statistic that there are 532 million WhatsApp users in India. I guess, it’ll now be 532 million minus one.

The Leaky Cauldron

 

In my service universe, leaks were a strategic weapon, a Brahmastra when all else failed. In one of my assignments, I organised a large-scale recruitment after a lot of perseverance. The main source of corruption in government being recruitment, I had arranged the recruitment rules and methodology in such a way that there was very little scope for discretion. My proposal was received politely and I was asked extremely politely to bring in a few “minor” changes, mainly that the marks allotted for the interview should be hiked from 10 % to 50 %. That would’ve led to complete political control over who would get recruited and killed any possibility of transparency so I refused. I was hauled up before the Minister who was ballistic. He asked me why “deserving” candidates should not be given a leg-up and so on. “Deserving,” in his universe meant party-affiliated. When I countered, he asked could I face my service chief, Could I face the One-Who-Was-Above-All-Ministers, could I face such-and-such with my outrageous ideas? To all of which I said yes and walked out. The minister then directed some compliant authorities to modify my scheme. I thought and thought. Then I found a Supreme Court order that the interview component in that category of recruitment couldn’t exceed 15 %. I put that in writing but my letter was ignored. Somehow, my letter regarding the Supreme Court directive got published in some newspapers. The Minister went ballistic again and arranged for counter-leaks. In the middle of all this, I was again hauled up for a severe dressing down over how dare I leak to the press. I denied the allegation, pointed to the leaks from the minister’s own office and said I was leaked against rather than leaking. The minister lost that battle because he hadn’t followed the Right Honourable Jim Hacker’s dictum of indiscretion – “Always have a drink before you leak.” 

Ever since the new government has come to power, India has resembled a leaky cauldron, of a different kind. 

This year, 23 lakh students sat for NEET-UG examination on May 5 for around 1 lakh medical seats. A day before the exam, the exam paper got leaked in Bihar. Candidates are supposed to have paid Rs. 30 – 50 lacs for the paper. 67 students received a perfect score which astounded people as it was much higher than the earlier years (only two students had aced it in the previous exam). Eight of the toppers came from one single exam centre in Jhajjar, Haryana. Some students scored 718 or 719. This is technically not possible because there are 180 answers evaluated. Each correct answer fetches 4 marks and each incorrect answer leads to docking of 1 mark. So, if a student answers all questions correctly, he would get 720. If he leaves out one question, he’ll get 716. If he answers one question wrong, his marks will be 715. 

National Testing Agency (NTA) conducting the examination gave explanation after explanation but tied itself in knots progressively. First it said that there was a mistake in the NCERT book regarding one Physics question so students were given full marks. This accounted for 44 of the 67 toppers. Even so, 67 ace scores vis-à-vis 2 in the previous exam? Plus, the wrong information was apparently in an NCERT book of 2018. 

Then NTA said that 1563 students were given grace marks because of loss of time in some exam centres due to delayed distribution of question papers, etc. Apparently, this followed a Supreme Court judgement of 2018. Later, it turned out that the Supreme Court judgement pertained to Law entrance exam and it had specifically prohibited applying the judgement to Medical entrance examination. The formula or methodology adopted for the grace marks was not revealed by NTA. 

A case of a teacher aiding examinees in a school in Gujarat is being investigated. However, despite requests by the Investigating officer, NTA was not providing the OMR sheets of the concerned students. 

A frenzied media and a compliant government machinery would have it that the Ram Mandir consecration in Ayodhya on January 22 was the biggest event since never. After the election results, there was not much mention about the temple until June 24 when its Chief Priest Acharya Satyendra Das alleged that the roof of the sanctum sanctorum was leaking heavily. The explanation has been that when construction of the temple is completed by December, the leaking problem will be solved. So was there basis to the Sankaracharyas’ objection to the consecration in an incompletely constructed temple as on January 22? Is it true that an earlier structure at the site had a roof without a leaky problem for 400 years? 

Explanations about the temple don’t wish away the several cave-ins in the newly-built Ram Path road leading to the temple. 

On June 28, in the heavy rains in Delhi, the roof of Terminal 1 of Delhi airport collapsed.

A 45-year old cab driver in his parked vehicle died and six others were injured.

Instead of sensitivity, what we saw was death-eater trolls quibbling about when that roof was constructed. Well, it was constructed in 2009. So, was the UPA government responsible for the above cab driver’s death? But then, the person who was civil aviation minister then, Praful Patel, is part of the current ruling dispensation. What exactly is the role of Director General of Civil Aviation, if not ensuring civil aviation safety whether an airport was constructed 15 years or 150 years back?

Jabalpur airport was inaugurated three months back. On June 27, a section of its tensile roof canopy collapsed following heavy rains. On June 29, a canopy collapsed at the passenger pick-up and drop area at Rajkot airport amid heavy rainfall. Looks like there's been a tearing hurry to inaugurate some infra projects without diligent completion and safety/security audits. Inaugurate rhymes with but doesn't equal to GREAT! 

Meanwhile, there is the very urgent matter of the 1975 Emergency.

If Wishes were Horses

 

Now that there seems a sliver of a chance to reclaim our democracy, here’s my wish list to build it back better. 

1.     The sine qua non for democracy is a free and fair election which gives a level-playing field to all contestants so it has to start with the Election Commission of India (ECI). The latest Act for the appointment of the election commissioners should be scrapped. The earlier Supreme Court (SC) mandated selection structure with Chief Justice of the Supreme Court as member should not only be brought back but should be designated as part of the “basic structure of the Constitution.” The Chief Election Commissioner should enjoy the status and privileges of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.

2.     The election should be believable by the opposition. Towards that end, the EVM related issues must be sorted out. VVPATs should be machine-read for all the polling stations and tallied with the EVM results.

3.     Election expenditure limits for the candidates are ridiculous at present. They should be fixed at a more reasonable level. On the other hand, there is no limit on the expenditure of the political party on elections. These limits should also be prescribed on a per candidate basis.

4.     All fundings for parties and elections including corporate funding should be completely transparent. The donor, the receiver and the actual beneficial ownership of the donation should be published on the ECI website.

5.     Total number of votes polled should be published on the ECI website within 48 hours of the scheduled close of polling hours of each phase. ECI should aim to hold the polls for each state on one single date to begin with, and for the entire country eventually.

6.     Democracy doesn’t merely consist of polls once in five years. It needs to be nurtured and health-checked every single day. Towards this, strength of the institutions and conventions are critical. Let’s start with the Parliament. We should borrow some of the good (great!) things of the Westminster conventions – Weekly Prime Minister’s Question hour with minimum six questions granted to the leader of the opposition, Ministerial code whereby lying in the Parliament means sacking), Conscience voting, announcement of major policy first on the floor of the House when in session and, ideally, shadow ministers by the opposition party/ coalition.

7.     To avoid railroading of the minorities and the marginalised, it is necessary that these sections have an effective representation and say in the Parliament. There are many ways of ensuring it.

8.     Once a person is elected as a speaker, (s)he should cease to have any party affiliation or to cast vote in the case of a tie. There should be no party whip for election of speaker – it should be a ‘conscience vote.’ Ideally, the speaker should be a retired justice of the Supreme Court without any political affiliation and after a two-year cooling-off period after retirement. Parliament is a forum of accountability and belongs to the opposition – the opposition should get 2/3^rd of the discussion time. No bill should be passed by voice vote.

9.     The single largest opposition party, regardless of its numbers, should nominate the leader of the opposition.

10.  Every member of Parliament must attend at least 50 % of each session failing which (s)he must forfeit her/his membership.

11.  All far-reaching legislations must go through deliberations of the Parliamentary committees. The remit of the Parliamentary Committees should be specific and defined.

12.  Now, let us come to the executive. No one should be Prime Minister for more than five years, overall, whether it’s a full term or a combination of truncated terms. Only a member of Lok Sabha should be able to become a Minister or Prime Minister – that will accord legitimacy to these offices. There should be deliberative, consultative process of decision-taking. At the minimum, all major decisions should be by the cabinet. Anything with far-reaching consequences must be widely examined through parliamentary committees and inviting comments from the public. Decision making will be a little slower in the process but it will avoid disasters like demonetisation, sudden lockdown, the now-repealed farm laws and so on.

13.  In the United Kingdom, the Civil Service enjoys serious credibility. That is because they are able to function without fear or favour. For example, when the opposition was sniping away at Boris Johnson, he appointed a civil servant, Sue Gray to enquire and everybody went quiet until the Sue Gray report. The civil servants there have recourse to a grievance redressal mechanism which ensures against unlawful transfer or termination. In India, we do not have that. We should aim for a system where the civil service should act as the first bulwark against authoritarian whimsicality. The Police needs to be independent of the political executive. Already, there is a Supreme Court order to achieve this but the politicians have found creative ways to subvert it so far. This refers to my blog: 

https://b-b-dash.blogspot.com/2023/01/the-caged-parrot.html 

14.  The appointment of the higher executive makes a difference towards the independence and integrity of the civil services. The former system of Appointments Committee of the Cabinet should be restored – currently, it is just a PMO letter box. [Earlier, all appointments of Joint Secretary and above were with the approval of the Cabinet Secretary, the concerned Minister, two seniormost Ministers and the Prime Minister.]

15.  Chief of Army Staff, Judges, Police, Comptroller & Auditor General, UPSC members and so on should be completely outside political appointment/ manipulation.

16.  The offices of Governors have come under a cloud many times, under many governments. Qualification for Governors should be prescribed. Governors should be from a panel which should be arrived at through the deliberations of a broad-based Committee. Knowledge of law should be an essential pre-requisite for the post. Once a Governor is appointed, he should continue for five years and his term should not be co-terminus with that of the Central government.

17.  The final custodians of democracy are the Courts. Judicial appointments should be ring-fenced against political overreach. The deliberations of the collegium should be made open and mandatory in a time-bound manner. Delay in judicial determinations is misused to hound officials and political rivals. So much so that the process becomes the punishment. Adjournment of hearing should be the rare exception rather than the norm as of now. I also find that when the witnesses land up, sometimes travelling great distances, the hearing is adjourned just because the concerned judge happens to be on leave on that day. Hearing, recording of evidence, etc. should be carried out by whichever judge is standing in for the day. Then, there is the matter of long vacations of the Courts. Vacation benches/ judges rarely pronounce substantive orders. It has been seen that sometimes executive actions, legislative skullduggery and even ordinances are timed to coincide with these vacations. These should be judicially dealt with with a heavy hand and promptly.

18.  The media, both national and regional, are in a bad shape. That is because the media houses are critically dependent on governments for advertisements, newsprint, etc. and also there have been unsavoury prosecutions and arrests. India must develop a system of penalty for wrongful arrest, to be recovered from the person effecting the arrest. There are many advertisements and packaging which are ostensibly by the government but, in reality, for promoting particular political leaders. All these must stop. Photographs of political leaders in offices should also be banned. Media should have a possibility of crowdfunding by putting a ceiling on such donations but making the donations tax-exempt.

19.  India has enough ability and resources to thrive on its own. What is required is stability and predictability rather than the governments interfering in too many things and actually encouraging regulatory capture. So, the golden principle should be, “If it ain't broke, don't fix it.” 

Can we as ordinary citizens do anything regarding the above? Well, just one YouTuber with courage of conviction and at great risk to himself made a substantial difference in the last election ...

Build Back Better

 

During the first of my two United Nations deployments, in Mozambique, we were initially given an orientation on a few things. One of the sessions was on election management and our expected role in it. After the long session and an even longer bit of questions and answers, the speaker exclaimed, “This has been the easiest and the most enriching session for me, probably because yours is a thriving democracy!” Our elections were a key part of that democracy and it wowed western observers to exclaim, “Elections are one thing that the Indians do well.” India's democratic traditions have also been its biggest soft power.

The recently concluded Indian elections have again wowed the observers but there is a difference – it was held under conditions when the institutions safeguarding democracy, including the Election Commission of India (ECI) were flailing.

Democracy is not a very natural thing. Democracy is very fragile and needs constant nurturing through the strength of its institutions, most so by the election machinery. The elections must not only be fair and transparent, they must also be seen to be so. Only then do the government and democracy derive legitimacy and sustainability. The ECI should constantly try to reinforce this. Instead, it chose to adopt all possible means to negate many of the efforts already initiated in previous elections by taking dubious recourse to the letter (rather than the spirit) of the laws. I have elaborated on some of the shenanigans of the ECI in an earlier blog.

To add, it was completely incomprehensible as to why the ECI obstinately refused to share information on the number of votes polled after each phase of polling although that was done during the 2019 elections promptly. After revising the poll percentages in Phase I and Phase II by a whopping six percent (Phase I, after 11 days), ECI refused to share the absolute number of votes polled. It went to the extent of submitting an affidavit in the Supreme Court to the effect that sharing the same was “unfeasible” and “undesirable.” Then they suddenly released all the data for five phases in one go. In normal times, this would be an act of “contempt of court” because either they had given a false affidavit that it was “unfeasible” and “undesirable” or they were giving false numbers. However, we live in abnormal times. 

Many political parties have expressed concerns about the EVM machines. There is a weird logic going around – why blame the EVMs when you lose and not blame it when you win? EVM or no EVM, there’s serious rigging in each election in favour of whichever is the ruling party and the challenger has to not only win but actually win by a huge ‘real’ margin to overcome the effect of the rigging. When the ECI is in a “gathbandhan” with the ruling party or cowed down by it, the job becomes doubly difficult for the challenger. While EVM machines may or may not be possible to hack, rigging through false voting etc. is much easier with EVM machines. Why can’t EVM results be tallied with VVPAT? We are an IT nation; it’ll be simple to have the VVPATs machine-read. The opposition parties have done creditably not because there are no problems with EVM-based elections but in spite of them – they could well have done much better had these problems been addressed. 

In the case of advertisements against the Trinamool Congress (TMC), Calcutta High Court intervened, calling the ads “outright derogatory and definitely intended at insulting the rivals.” Further, the Court observed, “In the present case, the ECI has grossly failed to address the complaints raised by the petitioner (TMC) in due time. This court is surprised that no resolution worth the name has been arrived at regarding the complaints till date, more so because most of the phases of the election are already over.” 

There was no level playing field in terms of media coverage. All the mainstream media are so biased in their reporting even for mundane matters that I stopped watching them long back. Thankfully, some independent YouTubers stepped up to the place, at great risks to themselves. Ultimately, their news turned out to be correct. By all accounts, they are now a force to reckon with. However, one doesn’t know for how long. On March 20, 2024, the government suddenly issued a notification of a Fact Check Unit (FCU) to identify “fake or false or misleading” online content related to the business of the Central government and demand to remove it from the internet. This would have effectively killed any press freedom on the internet and these YouTubers would have either toed the government line or shut shop. Fortunately, the Supreme Court stayed the notification of the FCU the very next day, on March 21. If only they had stayed the appointment of the two Election Commissioners … 

There is a serious problem when a stay is not granted even when the government does something blatantly unconstitutional or violative of a Supreme Court judgement. The electoral bond scheme turned out to be unconstitutional. However, while the scheme was introduced in 2017 and notified in 2018, it was deemed unconstitutional in 2024. Thus, the country’s polity operated under an unconstitutional act which turned out to be nothing but a legalised extortion racket for six long years and the illegal proceeds continue to fund dubious activities even now. When it was so blatantly unconstitutional prima facie, the balance of justice favoured a stay. The same applies to National Capital Territory of Delhi (Amendment) Act, 2023 and the Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners (Appointment, Conditions of Service and Term of Office) Act, 2023 both of which have sought to negate Supreme Court rulings. The way two election commissioners were appointed just before the Parliamentary elections 2024 without following due process was abominable and deserved to be stayed. If, down the road, the ECI appointment Act is declared unconstitutional or illegal, we would still be governed by a polity elected under its provisions for a long five years. 

Then there were the matters of many candidates reportedly being made to withdraw, nomination of candidates not being accepted, and so on. 

With all this, the numbers do not really tell the story. The 237 seats won by the INDIA bloc feel like 337, probably more. If ECI had played fair, if SC had stayed the new ECI appointments, if the EVM related issues had been addressed, if the Electoral Bond scheme had been stayed earlier, if the media was not muzzled, if ED, CBI, IT, Governors were not weaponised to this extent and if ALL the campaigners violating the Model Code of Conduct were prohibited from further campaigning, the results may have been very different … 

When I was handling disaster management, we used to have a slogan for post-devastation scenarios, “Build back better.” Now that the Indian democracy is showing signs of limping up, I have a wish list of actions for building it back better – that will be in a later blog.

Footprints

 

The only way a civil servant thinks he exists or has ever existed is to find his name on something called a Succession Board. Most government offices have this board where the serial numbers, names of the officers and the dates they occupied the hallowed chair are written and prominently displayed, usually behind the chair. Some of these boards go back to ancient times, much before India’s independence also. 

Given this, despite putting in 33 long years in the Indian Police Service, I wonder whether I have ever existed because my name doesn’t figure in (m)any board/s. 

The problem started with my probation/training days itself. Our outdoor in-charge used to be very innovative and introduced two large brass plaques on the training ground at the National Police Academy (NPA) recording the names of all the IPS officers who had passed out from the portals of NPA. After passing out, for some reason, the Academy recommended that I should be removed from service and pursued it vigorously. They succeeded in ensuring that orders terminating my services were issued. Apparently, there were jubilant celebrations in the Academy when news of this reached there and, in the middle of it, someone decided to remove my name from the brass plaque. Fortunately, or unfortunately, the honourable President of India who is never pleased was pleased to cancel the termination order so I survived. Later, when I visited the Academy, I checked to see whether my name had been put back in. It was. While returning from the parade ground to my room, I ran into the officer/ faculty who had vigorously campaigned for my removal. He enquired, “Aur, kya ho raha hai?” I replied, “Woh sab nahi ho raha hai,” and moved on. I wonder whether the brass plaque and my name are still there. 

In the cadre, my first posting was as Sub Divisional Police Officer in Alipurduar. The post was very old and the succession board in that office contained the names of many celebrated officers dating back to really ancient times. It was a matter of pride to see my name alongside theirs. Unfortunately, the sub division has now been converted into a district so there is a Superintendent of Police there and the post and the board have ceased to exist. 

On promotion, I joined as a zonal Additional SP in South 24 Parganas district. Unfortunately for me, that zone has now been subdivided into three full-fledged police districts so, again, the old board is gone. 

My next assignment was a United Nations deployment in Mozambique. In those deployments, there are is no system of succession boards. In any case, once the mission winds up, hardly any trace of it survives. Sometimes, the country also doesn’t survive, let alone a succession board. 

After I came back, I was posted for a few months as Additional SP in North 24 Parganas district. That office has now got shifted and succession board, if any, of the post also must have been subsumed in an unmarked grave of the interminable march of time. 

On promotion, I was posted as SP, Calcutta airport. Those were pre-Kandahar hijacking days and airport security was manned by local Police of the state where any airport was situated. After the Kandahar hijacking, the government decided that the airport security would be handed over to a Central force and CISF was designated to take over the security at the airports in a phased manner. Accordingly, the security of Calcutta airport is now under the charge of an officer of CISF designated as CASO (Chief Airport Security officer). The earlier post and succession board are long gone. 

The next post, DC, Enforcement Branch, Calcutta Police was already in decline when I joined because the control orders were being cancelled one by one. It has now been fairly reduced to a long-deceased letter box and has been relocated. I have no idea if a succession board exists when the post itself faces extinction. 

North Dinajpur, the district where I was SP was carved out of another district called West Dinajpur which might have been carved out of an undivided Dinajpur during British times – the East Dianjpur part became part of East Bengal/ Bangladesh. When this happens, that succession board of the original district disappears, to be replaced by succession boards of the new units, starting with when the unit was formed. Unfortunately, North Dinajpur district has now been splintered into two districts. 

I went on Central deputation as a Commandant. This organisation was undergoing a transformation at that point of time, to becoming a border guarding force. The unit I was heading was in the hinterland and was now merged with other units and the combined unit was located at the border. With this went any hope of mine to have some kind of existence on a succession board. Later, on promotion in that organisation, I held a combination of assignments simultaneously and these combinations were changing frequently so the question of any succession board didn’t arise. 

My second central deputation was with Bureau of Civil Aviation Security (BCAS) and since the demands on the organisation were far greater than its capabilities, I devoted my entire energy into a massive reorganisation. All the designations also underwent a transformation. Thus the post of Commissioner became Director General. My name figured in the posts of Commissioner and Joint Commissioner but it’s unlikely that those boards exist any more. In that sense, I dug my own grave by organising the overhaul of BCAS.

My last assignment in the service was so insignificant that there was no succession board. I tried to find the dates my predecessors had occupied the post  so that I could create a succession board but even that record didn’t exist. Thus, I faded gently into that post-retirement good night, unseen, unheard, unrecorded for posterity. 

In my quest for some kind of footprint on the sands of time, I compiled a selection of these blogs into a book hoping that there would be at least some traces of my existence. Unfortunately, just a few days back, my publishers informed that they are winding up their Indian operations and after this month, my book will stop being listed in Amazon, etc., unless I get it reprinted by some other publishers. 

Leads me to think, do I exist? Have I ever existed? I seek solace in Einstein’s quote about Mahatma Gandhi:

But then, apparently, no one knew Gandhi until a film was made on him. I wonder whether anyone ever would make a film on me.

Dial M for Murder (of Democracy)

 

During this entire election (Lok Sabha, 2024), I have been appalled by what the Election Commission of India has done and more so, by what it has not done. The incidents have got curiouser and curiouser.

This has been the longest electoral exercise in India ever, except for 1951-52 when it was held over four months and 68 phases. However, the situation and the process were different then. 314 constituencies elected one member using the first-past-the-post system and 86 constituencies elected two members, one from the general category and one from scheduled castes or scheduled tribes. One constituency elected three representatives. The majority of voting took place in early 1952, but Himachal Pradesh voted in 1951 as its weather is usually inclement in February and March. Plus, India was a young nation and the logistics were truly challenging.

Even now, in India, elections are a mammoth exercise. The electoral roll comprises around 96 crore voters who cast their votes in 12 lakh odd booths. The sanctioned strength of Police all-India is 20 lakhs plus and the Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) have around 10 lakh personnel. Obviously, the elections cannot be held on one single day. However, was it really necessary to have seven phases spread over 44 long days? A back-of-the-envelope calculation indicates that it can be done with three dates spread over 15 days only. How? 

During elections, due to extensive deployment of forces in an area, regular Policing, border guarding and other stresses on the Police are much less so easily, 50 % of the above 30 lakhs personnel can be mobilised. Looks like a tall ask but, if forced to, a lot of flab in terms of personnel deployed for non-policing duties (I saw one retired officer having 50 CAPF personnel in his house) can be trimmed down. In the current elections, 3.4 lakh CAPF personnel have been mobilised. That can easily go up to 5 lakhs. 

Secondly, my experience is that the personnel at the booth cannot thwart a depredation. A few polling booths are combined into a circle/sector and a force is deployed for each circle/sector. This is the force which patrols the booths in its jurisdiction and is the real deployment that makes for the effectiveness of the election police arrangement. Rather than manning the sensitive and hyper-sensitive booths by CAPF instead of local police, these circles should be made smaller and manned properly. That will reduce the absolute numbers and make for better policing. 

Half the CAPF personnel may be deployed each for Phase I and Phase II, a week apart. Bulk of the CAPF deployment in the Phase I may be relocated for Phase III and will get 10 days for movement and acclimatisation. 

Thus, the elections would be over in two weeks. 

When this is possible, why was the election spread over 44 days during the current elections? The reasons were not logistical. It was just to facilitate one particular “star campaigner” of one particular party to go around the countryside and campaign as much as possible. Unfortunately, it seems to have backfired. Badly. So, ‘Viksit Bharat’ immediately gave way to many things starting with M – Mutton, Machhli (Udhampur, April 12), Musalmaan (Ajmer, April 6), Mangalsutra (Banswara, April 21), Muslim Cricket team (Dhar, May 7), Mujra (Patliputra, May 25) and towards the very end, Mahatma, the unknown (TV interview, May 29). The whole thing was rounded off with a bout of Meditation with or without spectacles but definitely with the cameramen. 

For good measure, there were a few non-M words also, Ghuspetiya (Banswara, April 21), Vote jihad (Barasat, May 28), Reservation to Muslims at the cost of SC, ST, OBC (Dumka, May 28), the “Non-biological Divinity” (Varanasi, May 14), and so on. 

Section I (1) of the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) requires that “No party or candidate shall include in any activity which may aggravate existing differences or create mutual hatred or cause tension between different castes and communities, religious or linguistic." 

Section I (3) of the Model Code of Conduct states, “There shall be no appeal to caste or communal feelings for securing votes …” Would the M-tirades be violations of MCC? Of course, they were, apart from falling foul of various sections of the Representation of People’s Act and IPC. The Election Commission of India (ECI) was silent. It remained silent when the voters were told that not voting for a particular party would be a “sin” as opposed to voting for it which would be “auspicious.” It also remained silent when campaign interviews were telecast in areas in “silent period” before polling. The so-called meditation which was nothing but a campaign ploy was telecast all over during the silent period before the last Phase poll on June 1. 

Then there were the prodigious amounts of lies and untruths purveyed with contemptuous glee. 

“They will put Ram Lalla back in a tent...,” “They will put a Babri lock on the Ram temple...,” “They plan to bulldoze Ram temple...,” “As per their manifesto, 15 % of the budget/ resources will be given away to ghuspetiyas…,” “If you have two buffalos, their government will take away one,” “No one knew about Mahatma Gandhi until a film was made about him…” It’s another matter that no such words were available in any manifesto and around 12,600,000 books on Gandhi are available in the US Library of Congress collection. Tempos loaded with cash of Ambani and Adani were never found. 

MCC does have prohibition against lies. Section I (2) directs, “Criticism of other parties or their workers based on unverified allegations or distortion shall be avoided.” 

Experiments with weaponised lies aren’t supposed to succeed with such ease, even if they come dressed in supreme arrogance. 

Unless future Election Commissions dig even lower, the current elections will probably go down in history as the rock bottom in terms of transparency, probity and fairness, with obvious implications for its presiding deities.

OMG, What have they done!

 

In 2002, when I visited the National Police Academy (NPA) at Hyderabad to attend a seminar on National Security, we were taken to see the sound and light show at Golconda fort. This was started in 1993, much after we had passed out from NPA. It was the first sound and light show I’d ever seen. I was stunned! 

It started with a mesmerising ghazal by Jagjit Singh: 

एक गुलशन था जलवानुमां इस जगह,

रंग-ओ-बू जिसकी दुनिया में मशहूर थी,

बेग़मों की हँसी गूँजती थी यहीं,

शाह की शानोशौकत में भरपूर थी … 

There was a beauty of splendour here

Its fame enthralled many all over the world

The place used to echo with the laughter of queens and princesses

It bore witness to the kings’ pomp and pageantry … 

[Here is the link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4vTT-EucsqA] 

Then, Amitabh Bachchan’s voice took over, “Come, friends, come this way please …” 

The show was for one hour. With questions and answers, Amitabh Bachchan took us through the entire history of the fort from the time Prataprudra built the fort in the 11^th Century through its development by the Kakatiyas, Bahmani Sultans, Sultan Quli and so on. The narration included reenacted conversations between certain key personae in history and with tremendous sound effects like that of horses galloping and neighing, war drums and so on and differential lighting focusing on different parts of the fort at different levels in sync with the events being described, it transported us to the bygone eras which we felt we were ourselves inhabiting during that hour. The coloured lighting focused in turns on Diwan-e-khas, Rani Mahal, Sultan’s chambers and while being narrated, a lit-up fountain suddenly sprang to life. So did a beam highlighting the Koh-i-Noor diamond which is supposed to have either originated in the Golconda mines or adorned the Golconda vaults initially. 

When the one and a half month siege of the fort by Aurangzeb was depicted we felt we were inside the fort with the vast Mughal army barracked outside. When the negotiation between the queen and Aurangzeb happened and Aurangzeb extracted a heavy price for lifting the siege, we were flies on the wall watching and listening to the exchanges. 

The romance between Sultan Qutb Shah and Bhagmati and the risks the former took to meet her, defying royal edict against it, was poignantly portrayed with great sound effects and exchanges. 

Golconda fort has a unique architecture and built on several tiers/ levels. This made for riveting details in the narration. It has a seven kilometer surrounding wall, four drawbridges, eight gates and 87 bastions. The fort has an amazing acoustic system which is a technical and engineering marvel. It was designed in such a way that a clap at the entrance is transmitted a kilometer away to the main fort three levels up but could not be heard a meter away. This was for announcing arrivals and warning against attacks. The gates were designed in such a way with narrow entrances and giant iron spikes that the elephants couldn’t charge and bring them down. That is why Aurangzeb resorted to sorrrounding the fort for one and half months in the first instance and later, for eight months. 

When the show ended after an hour, each one in the packed audience burst into spontaneous applause. 

Later I saw the sound and light shows at the cellular jail in Port Blair and Lal Qila in Delhi but those were just not a patch on the one at Golconda fort. Whenever anyone I knew was visiting Hyderabad, I used to urge him to make it a point to catch the show at Golconda. It truly showcased the brilliant talent of India in art and music, its famed "soft" power. I wanted to see it again too. The opportunity came during a recent visit and the experience was heart-breaking. 

For reasons completely unknown, the authorities have taken something utterly brilliant and replaced it with a tedious, almost unwatchable excretion of half an hour duration. My first indication came when I saw most of the chairs empty – it used to get really crowded earlier. Gone are the music and the Jagjit Singh ghazals. Gone also is the highlighting of the fort and its different aspects. The drama is missing in the narration which is now a flat reading. Some pictures are shown on a single wall – one may as well see it on a computer screen at home. The exquisite sound effects are all gone. There is nothing in the depiction about the technical and engineering marvel that is Golconda fort. And, for some reason, Shivaji Maharaj has entered the narration. 

Not only that no one clapped at the end, people had started leaving much before the whittled-down half-an-hour tedium ended. 

I came away utterly dejected and googled to learn why. Apparently, the change was done to incorporate 3D mapping projection with high-resolution projectors, laser lights and moving heads. Why it couldn’t have been done while retaining the earlier out-of-the-world narration, music and highlighting is one question I couldn’t find an answer to. What upset me the most was that the change came about just 3-4 months back. Had I visited just a few months back, I could have re-lived that beautiful experience all over again. 

I wonder why there hasn’t been any protest against this mindless modification. There should have been. There should be. For those who might like to get somewhat reminded of the old glorious thing, here are the links to what someone has posted on YouTube in three parts. The experience of sitting at the fort and the audio quality can’t be there but one gets the idea of how much better the old version was. As the saying goes, “if it ain’t broke, don’t fix it!” 

Part 1. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X2Lelmz3JS0 

Part 2. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AfiSufcer3Y 

Part 3. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qIv3ykTaRoU

[Queen Bhagmati entering the fort]